A growing and more intense conflict between Paris and Algiers has escalated into what French diplomatic sources describe as the "most significant diplomatic crisis" since Algeria became independent in 1962.
Initially sparked by disputes concerning the disputed region of Western Sahara, which resurfaced last year, the tension escalated further when Algeria's more repressive regime arrested French-Algerian writer Boualem Sansal and French journalist Christophe Gleizes, who were each given five and seven-year prison sentences by the courts.
Since then, the situation has deteriorated further, leading to a complete deadlock with both sides reciprocally expelling diplomats from each other's nations.
In August, French President Emmanuel Macron sought to impose stricter visa rules on Algerian diplomats and officials, halting a 2013 agreement due to claimed "increasing migration challenges".
The conflict has also extended beyond France, as Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau notified Schengen countries about the new measures, resulting in an Algerian diplomat being refused entry for a vacation in Spain.
A professor of North African history at the University of Oxford, James McDoogle, stated that the reality where "Algerian diplomats would need a visa like everyone else" was "embarrassing and degrading," considering a post-independence agreement intended to provide all Algerians, particularly diplomats, with visa-free entry to France.
‘Unresolved arguments’
The conflicts between Paris and Algiers stem directly from France's colonial history in North Africa. A former high-ranking French diplomat, who is well-versed in the issue, has characterized the relationship as "challenging, as it involves dealing with the past, history, and the future."
The fierce eight-year conflict for independence in Algeria, which occurred 60 years ago and resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands, leading to the French withdrawal from a nation they had ruled for more than 130 years, continues to influence ongoing diplomatic disputes.
The relationship between the Elysée and Algeria's El Mouradia Palace has experienced ups and downs since 1962, with notable tensions arising when Algeria nationalised French-owned natural resources in the 1970s, followed by France enacting a law in the early 2000s that required the teaching of "positive aspects" of colonialism in French schools.
All these issues still influence how Algiers perceives and responds to any actions taken by France.
"Algeria frequently emphasizes maintaining ideological stances rather than practical approaches ... indicating a foreign policy strongly influenced by its anti-colonial history and desire for self-protection," said Dr Dalia Ghanem, who is the program director at the Middle East Council on Global Affairs.
Following its struggle for independence, Algeria emerged as a hub for anti-colonial and liberation movements. Strolling through the streets of Algiers today, the headquarters of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Western Saharan Polisario Front resistance groups are still prominent.
As Dr Ghanem mentioned, support for these causes is a "fundamental issue deeply rooted in the national mindset that influences Algeria's regional position and partnerships." It has provided shelter and arms to both groups for many years.
Political football
After Western Sahara achieved independence from Spain in 1975, it was swiftly incorporated by Mauritania and the adjacent Morocco — which had previously been a French protectorate — causing disappointment in Algiers.
Since 1994, the 1,500 km border separating Algeria and Morocco — which had been engaged in conflict with the Polisario Front until a truce was established in 1991 — has remained fully closed as a result of the total collapse of diplomatic ties concerning this matter.
Paris consistently attempted to maintain a balance between the two factions, frequently causing frustration on both ends. In 2024, however, Macron's administration, possibly aiming to improve ties with Rabat, subtly supported a longstanding Moroccan initiative that essentially asserts control over the disputed area.
This sparked fury in an already unstable Algiers, and the present crisis escalated. Nevertheless, many thought this had been years in the making, simmering in a volatile mix of internal politics.
"Algeria's foreign policy is primarily influenced by internal political factors," according to Dr. Ghanem, an Algerian scholar, who stated this to .
Professor McDoogle shared the same view, thinking this applies in both directions. "Whenever it serves the domestic political interest of either nation, they tend to criticize the other," he remarked.
Nevertheless, the former French diplomat attributed the responsibility to Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, asserting that he is attempting to stir up resentment among the diaspora.
"Tebboune aims to cultivate a highly nationalistic Algerian populace, enabling him to impact the French political system," they stated.
Keep in mind that the (French) Fourth Republic collapsed during the Algerian war, which means he is aware that Algeria plays a role in French politics. And now, he claims that France serves as a tool in his political strategy.
The Algerian prime minister has not clearly stated these objectives.
As an indication of the increasingly hostile nature of the discussion, the former high-ranking official mentioned that they have been getting violent threats, and chose to speak under anonymity because of significant safety issues.
Anatomy of a fall
The current cold relations are completely different from the late 2010s, when signs of transformation appeared on both sides of the Mediterranean.
During the 2017 presidential campaign, a young "political newcomer" named Emmanuel Macron spoke about "crimes against humanity" carried out by France in Algeria, vowing a new period of responsibility and improved ties.
Two years on, millions of Algerians marched across the largest nation in Africa, calling for political reforms as part of the Hirak protest. A new president, who had previously defeated the two dominant parties in his country, was chosen.
However, the progress was not sustained. In Algeria, Dr Ghanem notes that the president gradually moved towards authoritarianism, under the guise of "posturing," especially regarding "the regime's unwavering emphasis on national security and its own safety, along with the persistence of the government."
Beyond the water, it wasn't long before Macron—amidst his far-right opponents narrowing the lead in public opinion—began criticizing what he referred to as "memorial rent," or the politics of memory in 2021, which certain French experts characterized as "Macron's sole moment of clarity."
Macron's Algerian counterpart, Tebboune, countered the claims, stating "history should not be distorted," and mentioned that the French leader "unreasonably brought up an old dispute."
Algiers has withdrawn its ambassador and temporarily shut down its airspace to French planes, even for "counter-terrorism" missions in the Sahel.
Currently, along with the latest conflict, both parties appear to have found themselves in a difficult position. Tebboune is holding firm, while yet another government in Paris has fallen as the far right keeps gaining momentum in France.
The most vocal individuals advocate for intensification instead of compromise, including the ex-diplomat, who — even with the warnings — spoke plainly.
(Algiers) only responds to strength. Therefore, it's completely ineffective to praise them... to say we are allies.
On the Algerian side, neither the authorities nor the people appear willing to make concessions.
As noted by the well-known Algerian author Kamal Daoud recently, “Each time I encounter young Algerians, (they) hold a stronger resentment towards France than my parents, who experienced the hardships of colonial rule.”